It is to its great detriment that sortition has become somehow tied to the ideology of “deliberation”. At best, “deliberation” is a distraction from the democratic thrust of sortition. It is often worse, an elitist idea that is in conflict with that democratic thrust. The talk of “deliberation” implies that groups of people are unable to spontaneously self-organize and coordinate in order to reach mutually beneficial arrangements. That unless experts set things up quite right – verify diversity of the forum, make sure the “shy” don’t get left out, facilitate the discussion, set up the correct incentives – then “deliberation” won’t happen and as a result “unwise” decisions will be made. “Deliberative democracy” is therefore an anti-democratic idea that all those who wish to see sortition used to democratize society, rather than to bolster the existing oligarchical arrangements or to modify the existing oligarchical arrangements into different oligarchical arrangements, should distance themselves from, both in their own minds and publicly.
I was again reminded of the harmful effects of the “deliberation” ideology by reading a post by Ethan McCutchen. There is a lot to agree with in the post, like the outright rejection of elections:
[W]e can’t and shouldn’t trust the old process, but not because we’re a nation of villainous idiots. The problem is not the voters but voting itself. Elections will not evolve from a source of feckless discord into one of fruitful discourse. Re-glorifying voting won’t somehow usher in a new era of healthy deliberation. Elections will not bring us back together. Elections are not the antidote; they are the poison.
To be clear democracy is not the poison, elections are.
Unfortunately, the author does his arguments the great disservice of forcing them into the “deliberative democracy” template:
Today, the ancient tradition of democracy by lots, or sortition, is undergoing a revival – and an upgrade from Athens’ flawed system. Process pioneers all over the world have been experimenting with mini-publics, panels of citizens chosen at random. The purposes of these mini-publics vary widely, as do their processes and their names (citizen assemblies, citizen juries, Bürgerrat, etc), but in all cases, participants gather for facilitated sessions of learning and deliberation.
In this context, it turns out that random citizens deliberate far better than elected ones.
But with the right framing, productive deliberation in diverse groups is not just possible but routine. Appropriate facilitation reliably makes participation in mini-publics a profoundly rewarding, even moving, experience. If random citizens can learn to understand each other, converge around solutions, and feel more fully human along the way, what is it that prevents our elected representatives, our chosen ones from doing it too? In a word: elections.
The problem with elections is not just that they fail to identify the best for the job, though wow do they fail.
Nor do legislators’ deliberations fail because elections are terrible at achieving balanced representation, though oh boy are they.
But poor representation doesn’t explain poor deliberation; if anything, deliberation should be easier among more homogenous groups. And, indeed, on the rare occasions when these same disproportionately rich, white, straight, tall, male, urban, educated, extroverted, silver-haired and silver-tongued types find themselves together in a room with the right incentives, they can typically work together just fine.
Sadly, when elections are involved, the incentives are almost always horribly wrong.
And that is the core reason why the elected deliberate so poorly: elections poison discourse. Elected officials have strong incentives to focus their attention on donors and lobbyists and branding and past and future soundbites and almost no incentive to listen to each other with humility. Elections make deliberation a quaint little sidebar to a grand aristocratic game. The game penalizes listening, connection, depth, personal growth, and complexity; and it rewards caricature, hyperbole, gotchas, zingers, wingers, and all flavors of cynicism.
All of this makes the common falacious assumptions about the electoralist system being dysfunctional. That elected officials are too busy with their partisan electoralist machinations to get anything done at the policy level, or at least to get anything “wise” done. But this is absolutely not the case. The electoralist system is perfectly functional. It works great for the elected officials themselves and for their allies. Growing income and wealth concentration is not due to not getting anything done. It is what is getting done. Furthermore, it is getting all this done while at the same time distracting the population from this exploitation by the electoral-partisan theater. It is the epitome of wisdom, as far as the electoralist elite is concerned.
The electoralist elite – the “disproportionately rich, white, straight, tall, male, urban, educated, extroverted, silver-haired and silver-tongued types” – always “find themselves together in a room with the right incentives”. And as a result they do “work together just fine”. Like every other group, and without any need for facilitation, experimentation or management by experts, they do “deliberate”. That is, they coordinate and cooperate in achieving mutually beneficial goals, and they do achieve those goals very effectively. Their achievements are our reality.
Filed under: Deliberation, Elections, Sortition |

Yoram:> It is to its great detriment that sortition has become somehow tied to the ideology of “deliberation”.
Yes indeed. The term “deliberative democracy” (DD) was coined in 1980 by Joseph M. Bessette, his principal focus being elite deliberation amongst elected officials in Congress. If citizens are to deliberate, it should, in true Madisonian fashion, be through their elected representatives, insulated from the whims of an ‘unreformed and unreflective’ citizenry (Bessette, 1994, p.2).
The shift of focus to citizen deliberation was inspired, in part, by Jurgen Habermas, who claimed that deliberation should be confined to the (voluntary) ‘public sphere’, and the modern deliberative democracy movement might well be seen as the reincarnation of the eighteenth-century (bourgeois) coffee house, thereby increasing the influence of the (already overrepresented) chattering classes.
The democracy element in DD originally focused on the procedural norms required to generate the ‘ideal speech situation’, hence the need for trained facilitators. This was then conflated with Robert Dahl’s throwaway remark that a randomly selected group of citizens would constitute a ‘minipopulus’, and this could be viewed as an ‘attentive’ public, the decisions of which would be better than the real thing.
Unfortunately, Dahl’s model required 1,000 or so for a representative sample, and it’s not clear how such a large group could deliberate (in Bessette and Habermas’s sense). So this was scaled down to small samples that are then stratified on a limited number of variables, to make them more ‘representative’. Unfortunately, typically 95% of those invited to participate turn down the offer, and this might well be a significant population parameter.
When we launched the Journal of Sortition a couple of years ago it was intended to address the conflation of the two variants of democracy involved in sortition and deliberation.
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Yes, there’s something uncomfortable when I see the huge lists of organizations involved with all their typical boards and advisors and funders across the nonprofit world. They’re incentive (and mine) is to get a career out of running assemblies. If they all demand that these events be run by experts and have certain kinds of requirements, it does help make themselves necessary.
Anyway, when presented with opportunities to facilitate or organize assemblies or deliberations, I’m not sure when it’s worth taking baby steps or when one should perhaps refuse to be part of a process.
For instance, I just recently worked with Engaged CA to facilitate a number of online, 2.5 hr deliberations on the impact of AI to workers in California. Do I think 2.5 hours is a sufficient time to think about such a topic? Do I think this is going to be taken seriously by the state of California? I don’t know. Did I get paid? Yes. Do I think these groups were representative of Californians? Not really, they were people who volunteered on a particular website and then randomly selected from that pool. However, it did provice a chance to at least, in my introduction, to explain a bit about sortition.
If we do not have the political power to just grant a sortition body direct legislative power, then concessions have to be made to the elected bodies, if any kind of sortionish process is going to occur.
In defense of stratified sampling, there is some kind of bias definitely introduced in who checks and responds to mailed postcards. I don’t know if stratified sampling as is currently done is the absolute best solution, but there’s a consenus among practitioners and from city legislatures that it doesn’t hurt.
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I’ll also add that I think one can be agnostic as to how self-aware electeds are at the effects of their deliberations. I think many earnestly think they’re fighting a fight for their side. They’re definitely all fighting to keep their careers going! And that is a battle. But yes, the system empowers a class, the class’s shared interests are preserved.
And we want a system that empowers a class representative of the people. I honestly think that we don’t need to worry too much about deliberativeness dereailing us. If we achieve sortition, that is, a system where randomly selected groups are given power, then they can do what they please with moderators.
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